Despite the permanent state of hostility with India This is how the Pakistani military has protected the country from corruption

Since its founding, Pakistan has suffered from the influence of large feudal families and their domination of politics, both at the provincial and central levels, which meant that local politics was always an expression of the interests of this elite, which Iqbal Ahmed, the well-known Pakistani philosopher, described as more harmful to the country than the capitalist elite. According to him, the latter creates jobs and opportunities for the industry and trade that is the source of its wealth to move, and many people benefit from this despite its greedy nature, but the feudal elite enslaves people without compensation and sees no need for any development or sharing with other classes. This situation has made land, the source of wealth in agrarian societies, a monopoly of a limited group of society that deals with its inhabitants and beneficiaries with a logic of command and control. Therefore, although there are political parties and elections in Pakistan, they have always suffered from the phenomenon of mass alignment behind feudal families, making democracy a vicious ritual.

This reality reinforced the great role played by the army in the process of establishing and protecting Pakistan, as it considers itself the legitimate father of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, the main guarantor not only of its security but also of its existence as a state, and the true custodian of the interests of its people, in a state of permanent confrontation with India, the elder brother, and a guarantee against the rampant internal corruption that has become the nature of the system, due to the political families' ownership of it, and therefore we see that the Pakistani army has ruled the country directly for half the time since Pakistan's independence, and is hardly absent from government circles in one form or another even if in the hands of either of the two major parties, the Pakistani People's Party (PPP)

This corrupt political situation has given the army the status of a savior who always steps in when things are about to get out of hand. It is the other half of the Pakistani equation that does not suffer from corruption, nepotism, incompetence, and regionalism as is the case with political parties, as perceived by the general Pakistani public. In addition, the Pakistani army has gained advantages for its members that make it a destination for Pakistan's elite who are exceptionally qualified at home and sent on foreign missions to the most prestigious educational institutions, making the Pakistani army and armed forces an elite institution with high efficiency and credibility unlike most state institutions, although this image has somewhat diminished after the rule of General Pervez Musharraf.

It is true that the army is able to come to rule Pakistan without much trouble, but it realizes that it cannot stay in power indefinitely. It needs to meet some internationally accepted standards in the field of state form and management, which can give Pakistan the image of a modern and modern country that is equal or even superior to its arch neighbor and the largest democracy in the world, India. The military must also realize that running a state is very different from running an army, so it needs a civilian government that can handle the burdens of running a huge country like Pakistan, which faces enormous challenges in terms of development and managing people's daily lives.

It is not easy to change the nature of any society, including Pakistani society, which suffers from a terrifying illiteracy rate, poverty, and tribalism. The alternative to corrupt political parties is Islamic organizations that cross ethnicities and geographies, but they are organizations with a rigid discourse, often internationally unpopular, and characterized by self-important leaders who could reduce the army's role and lead the country in unfavorable directions at the level of international politics, if it really wants to make this kind of change.

There are several ideas that can come to mind in this context, including that the continuation of the current political situation keeps a strong justification for his return to power whenever he feels like it under the rubric of fighting corruption and saving the country from collapse; it also guarantees that he will continue to receive the privileges he has gained over decades, which made the army the first elite institution in the country; and it guarantees that he will continue to have an inflated role in decision-making in the country that he could not get under a real civilian democratic system. It also guarantees the army's continued access to its privileges, which it has acquired over decades and which have made it the country's first elite institution, as well as its inflated role in the country's decision-making, which it cannot obtain under a true civilian democratic system, and its continued presence in this position enables it to play the game of fear of India that justifies its access to privileges and makes the country need a sense of protection that can only be provided by the army.

Pakistan at the polls

Yesterday, July 25, Wednesday, Pakistan witnessed the eleventh general election in its history, with 106 million registered voters, to elect 270 members of the National Assembly (Parliament) and 570 members of four local parliamentary councils for a five-year term (2018-2023), and about eight hundred thousand security personnel, between military and police, secured the election process, amid complaints from the media and parties that the army has intervened and closed many press organizations affiliated with Imran Khan, whom many consider the army's candidate in the elections, while the real competition seems to be B.

Black horse

Many believe that the changes in Pakistan's political landscape in terms of the undermining of the country's two main parties, the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), and the emergence of a new party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), founded by Imran Khan, former captain of Pakistan's most popular cricket team, are not far from the fingers of the ISI, including the removal of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on corruption charges, as seen in the media.

It is widely believed that one of the reasons for Nawaz Sharif's ouster was his closeness to China and his refusal to participate with Pakistani military forces in the Saudi and Emirati war in Yemen. The document for which Nawaz Sharif was convicted of forgery, which proves that he has undisclosed foreign investments, came from the UAE, and the army may have played a role in this area. The Pakistani parliament, in which Nawaz Sharif's party holds a majority, refused to send Pakistani troops to Yemen, which angered Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which have great influence in the country.

Now that indications have emerged that Imran Khan's party won the elections at the central and provincial levels, it has become likely that he will be able, in alliance with small parties and independents, to form the central government and the government of Punjab, the largest and most important Pakistani state, without the need for an alliance with the two traditional parties, the Muslim League and the People's Party, which he has long accused of corruption and subversion of the country, and this in turn will trigger a set of major challenges in front of him, including the attempt by major parties to provoke riots in the street and in parliament and do everything they can to thwart him, in addition to takfiri groups that are still He will soon discover that words and promises are much easier to make than deeds and implementation.